Zombie Chang: « I really like how laughter becomes art »

Articles, Collab-NoJadis

We had a Rendez-vous at The Black Lab, a concert venue in Wasquehal, the night of the event. Meirin came out of the bar wearing a long black coat. Context: it is 10p.m. and it is pretty much the outside temperature of a normal November night. We are sitting at the table to conduct the interview. My stress is at its peak. Never have I ever done an interview full in Japanese. My Japanese is good, but not as good as my English. Meirin is so smiling and brings down all of my worries. The excitement takes over the stress and we are ready to discuss her STRESS de STRESS!

Feminist Majo: Good evening Meirin! Thank you for joining me for this interview today. Could you first introduce yourself?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): My name is Meirin. I am doing a musical project under the name of ZOMBIE-CHANG.

Where does your stage name ZOMBIE-CHANG come from?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): Um, what is it again? Nothing in particular. Ahh, but when I dyed my hair by hand, the coloring agent got on my hand. I went to Shibuya 109, with that decolored hand and the employee of the mall told me I looked like a Zombie, so it became Zombie-Chang.

Is there a moment in your life that led you to become an electronic musician? 

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): Originally, I liked electronic music, and especially punk (like this kind of music) [we were at a concert venue and before Zombie-Chang’s live session, there were some hard rock and punk concerts playing while we were conducting the interview]. However, in fast fashion stores like Forever 21, they were playing electronic music. Therefore, I thought that it would be easier to sell electronic music (laugh).

We Should Kiss, by ZOMBIE-CHANG

Switch, by ZOMBIE-CHANG
Je ne sais pas, by ZOMBIE-CHANG
Loverly days (美しい愛の日々), by ZOMBIE-CHANG

Your music is always accompanied by amazing visuals and you are very involved in creating these visuals. Can you explain to us what is behind your artistic creation?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): It changes from time to time, but I don’t know what they’re inspired by. I like French artists (well, there are many), and I don’t know what to say. (,,,) gag sense? (I wonder what it is…) I really like how laughter becomes art, it’s always in my head.

The music video of Switch is appealing as it depicts the male gaze in a wonderful way. Was there a message behind it?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): This is (quite amazing) surely, rather than a message, a thought of mine that I materialize. Often, when men are hitting on girls, they say “I have a dog at my house, wanna see it?” or “do you want to go to my house to play games” as an implicit invitation for more [implying sex]. Yet, this is only a pretext so the girl goes to the guy’s house. In the “Switch” music video, the situation is the other way around. The girl is playing a role to invite a guy to her house. The guy imagines he has the jackpot and believes the invitation will end up in intimate intercourse. However, the girl really wants to play games (Nintendo Switch), nothing more. The guy is trapped in his own game.

You released an album called STRESS de STRESS this year. It caught my attention because there is a track with the french band Agar Agar, who is quite famous. This album has a lot of french references, what was your journey to French culture?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): I love France and French culture since I was little so was my mum – but we had a slightly different tastes. She liked the vintage stuff and old singers like Serge Gainsbourg (well he is still popular nowadays though). At that time I didn’t really think much but around 10 years ago, I became friends with a French person and he/she told me a lot of things about France, and that’s when I discovered a French sense of comedy, and I liked it more than the one in Japan.

T’inquiète pas, by ZOMBIE-CHANG, feat Agar Agar

How did the collaboration with Agar Agar come to life?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): Agar Agar (how it came to life is quite good tho…). Originally, I was quite a fan of Agar Agar. I had a French friend living in Japan. Before Covid-19, this friend was in an artist’s residency with Armand from Agar Agar. We ended up playing at a live event, and Armand invited me to do a collaboration.

You often proclaim yourself to be an “anti” in terms of music genre like “anti”. What does it mean? 

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): Well.. well… for instead, if somebody says something, or has ideas, I would first say « NO » to these sayings. or ideas. Then I’ll think about it, and I might find its good parts. I got a little bit older now, but my basic standpoint is always saying « NO » to anything, even when it comes to music. (laugh)

How do you feel as a woman in the electronic music scene (in general, and in Japan)?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): Japan is not really gentle when it comes to women trying to make their own music. In Japan, half of the trackmakers for female artists are men, and I see this trend is connected to an “idol culture” (men make songs and women just sing and dance for them). I think more women should make their own songs.  There are indeed people who are skilled but I think there are also ones who are not. I’m not good at singing either but I make songs or “create” instead. I feel like Japan does not really give space for these creative women.

Have you encountered any challenges?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): I had struggles…so many struggles! There are many times when people tell me that male trackmakers will produce my songs. I am making my own songs and I don’t understand why male trackmakers have to change them. There are definitely way more male trackmakers than female ones, and I guess the projects are more offered to males too. There is so much more (nervous laugh). One thing I really hated was when I made a song for a commercial project, a male trackmaker said “I’m going to remix this” and he did it without my permission. We had a fight over this because I had never heard of it. Regardless of gender, I think cases like this happen a lot.

ZOMBIE-CHANG, Meirin, enjoying the concert before playing live. © Marie Baranger
ZOMBIE-CHANG, Meirin, enjoying the concert before playing live. © Marie Baranger

As an artist, what are you doing/ what would you do to promote gender equality?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): In Japan, there are female comedians and male comedians. There is a big difference between them and the way they perform. (I don’t know what it is). I put a lot of importance on how I can express funny things and jokes as a woman. Because I’m a woman, there are things like I shouldn’t do weird things, or (I wonder if it’s a little) not to be too funny. But I want to keep making jokes and be weird sometimes without judgment. I would be happy if it leads to gender equality even a little.

Do you consider yourself a feminist?

Zombie-Chang (Meirin): I think a little. Probably within Japan, I don’t think so… [the definition of feminism in Japan is very controversial, and is much less used than in Europe] My friends are very feminist, and there are many people who think about gender equality, but if you think about it in a slightly wider range than normal, I don’t think there are many. However, I think there are a lot of racist aspects in Japan as a whole, so I think I’m on the feminist side anyway.


The interview is done, Meirin rolls a tinny cigarette and tells me about her French learning journey. She has been studying French for 4 years. The French language is prominent in her music work. An hour and a half before Meirin is up on stage. We are out, drinking beers, accompanied by her friend and photographer Naoki Usuda who signed the amazing STRESS de STRESS album’s picture.

When it’s time, Meirin endorses ZOMBIE-CHANG and blows the entire venue in fire. Her energy is beyond all comprehension. She interacts with the public, she sings, and she almost dances with us. The show is not over! She will be playing at the Inrocks Festival Wednesday 14th of December, in la Boule Noire, Paris!

STRESS de STRESS, by ZOMBIE-CHANG

I would like to thank Rebecca Rébillé, who made this interview possible and who helped me with the Japanese transcript. Many thanks to my friend Misato Egashira who proofread my questions and helped me with the translation into English. The Japanese version of the interview will be available soon too! Keep in touch 🎶

Abortion pills soon in Japan? Yes, but not without the spouse’s consent

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Although abortion has been legal since 1948 in Japan, it comes with many regulations imposing women constraints in easily accessing abortions. The bigger constraint women face is the requirement of spousal consent in most abortion cases. In addition, it is only possible to get a surgically performed abortion that higher the costs of this act are not covered by the National Insurance. 

Surgical abortion does not come without any risks for the woman’s health. Japan has a history of legalising the contraceptive pill that only came in 1999, decades after the abortion rights. And without any surprise, abortion pills remain unavailable on the island which, however, allows safer abortions for early pregnancies.

Photo by Reproductive Health Supplies Coalition /Unsplash

Yet, the country is very likely to approve this year a medication from Linepharma International Pharmaceutical, as talks are proceeding within the Japan Association of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and in the Diet. 

A little twist happened at the end of the week, with Japan anticipating the imminent legalisation of the abortion pills: a spousal consent requirement, making angry reproductive rights activists and feminists. Spousal consent is already required for surgical abortions and stays problematic as it violates a woman’s bodily integrity. Women may soon be able to drink a pill to get an abortion, but will still need their spouse’s approval to do so, which seems (is) “weird” and frankly speaking very inappropriate. 

Regardless of calls from activists to remove this clause and the evolution of the Maternal Health Act throughout the years (see my article on abortion politics in Northeast Asia), the spousal consent clause persists. 

Japan, despite having de facto free access to abortion and the contraceptive pill, continues to be a country controlling women’s reproduction, as the high costs of the above-mentioned reproductive rights refrain many poor and middle-class women to access abortion and contraceptives medication (one of the main argument used by Simone Veil in 1974 in front of the French National Assembly to pledge for legalising abortion).

An anti-feminist president and a male-dominated cabinet for South Korea

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 © Reuters, https://asia.nikkei.com/Opinion/Can-South-Korea-move-beyond-gender-war-politics

The anti-feminist South Korean President Yoon chooses his cabinet, and it is everything but progressist.

Last month presidential elections were happening in South Korea. And the results of the presidential race put the country in reverse mode. Yoon Suk-Yeol, leader of the conservative People’s Power Party came out as the winner. With no political background, he has been praised for his strong anti-corruption stance (he was one of the prosecutors who helped put former President Park Geun-Hye in jail who was impeached on December 9th 2016). Yet, the race with his opponent, Lee Jae-Myung of the Democratic Party has been quite tight.

The election of Yoon raised concerns among women’s and progressive communities, as he aims at dismantling the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family. Moreover, despite the decriminalisation of abortion in December 2020, Yoon also blamed the feminist for the decreasing fertility rate of the country; a very common argument found in conservative, male-dominated politics (cf. see my article on abortion politics), that has been proven wrong. However, opponent candidate Lee Jae-Myung was not the best option either as he has been in the middle of a sexual harassment scandal.

Masculinist rallies, the stronger supporters of Yoon

Men at an anti-feminist protest with signs: « 헌법수호, 유죄추정 반대 », meaning « protection of the constitution. against the presumption of guilt », photo by © Sotaro Suzuki, https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/As-MeToo-reaches-South-Korea-pressured-young-men-turn-on-Moon

South Korea is one of the advanced democracies in Asia that ranks the lowest on the Global Gender Gap Report (102 out of 156 countries) and has been subject to increasing hate against women, especially from young educated men. Anti-#MeToo sit-ins were organised across Korea, in response to the movement that took an important position in the public space after the Hyehwa Station Protest on 19 May 2018 where 300,000 women marched to fight against sexism, and against “molka” crimes (spy camera crimes), commonly used as a revenge porn method. These “masculinist” rallies are also criticising “feminists” and “women” for stealing their job opportunities. Nevertheless, again, according to the Global Gender Gap Report, South Korean women are far from stealing young men’s jobs as South Korea ranks 123 out of 156 in the category of “Economic Participation and Opportunity”. Indeed, only 53,3% of women participated in the labour force in 2021. And once a woman is employed in a company she quickly faces a glass ceiling as only statistics show that only 36.3 percent of South Korean companies have more than one woman on the board of directors and 63,7 percent of the companies still have no women as the board, meaning only a few women access high responsibility positions. The pressure on women to carry the future sons of the nation also prevents them from having stable and full-time jobs.

Old male-dominated cabinet

With the nomination of the new Yoon cabinet, we can only expect more hate against women and fewer opportunities for women. The new cabinet of Yoon is mostly composed of his campaign team and does not fulfill any diversity whatsoever in gender, and age. Many of the nominees are in their sixties, and we count only one woman among them – Kim Hyun-sook for the position of minister of gender equality (which is supposed to be suppressed in the near future). The future of the country seems quite dark for women’s rights, in terms of economic opportunity, political participation, and body politics. The argument accusing women to be the cause of the decline of the fertility rate might as well turn over the recent decriminalisation of abortion. But, only the future will enlighten us on this topic.


Quickly understanding the Korean presidential elections

South Korea is a presidential democratic regime. The presidential election consists of a single-round plurality voting system. The president is elected for a unique five-years term by direct popular vote. The incumbent president cannot seek re-election. How does a single-round plurality voting system work? Single-round means that people vote only once. A plurality system means that the candidate who has the better score is elected. It differs from the majoritarian electoral system, where the candidate needs an absolute majority of votes to be elected. The system encourages a bi-party system. The Democratic Party: Lee Jae-Myung (47,86%) The People Power Party: Yoon Sul-Yeol (48,56%) The Justice Party: Sim Sang-Jung (2,37%) The People’s Party: Ahn Cheol-soo

References

Chung Hyunback (2020) « South Korean women’s movement: between modernisation and globalisation, » in Jieyu Liu and Junko Yamashita (eds) Routledge Handbook of East Asian Gender Studies, Routledge, Oxon and New York, pp 59-74.

Dracie Draudt (2016), « The Struggles of South Korea’s Working Women », in The Diplomat, 26 August, available at https://thediplomat.com/2016/08/the-struggles-of-south-koreas-working-women/

Dracie Draudt (2022), « What President Yoon Suk-Yeol’s Election Means for South Korean Democracy », in The Diplomat, 23 March, available at https://thediplomat.com/2022/03/what-president-yoon-suk-yeols-election-means-for-south-korean-democracy/

Global Gender Gap Report 2021 available at https://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2021.pdf

Justin McCurry (2022), « Conservative candidate squeaks to victory in South Korean election », in The Guardian, 9 March, available at https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/09/yoon-suk-yeol-elected-president-south-korea

Kelly Kasulis Cho (2022), « Opposition’s Yoon Wins Tight Race for South Korean Presidency », in The New York Times, 8 March, available at https://www.nytimes.com/live/2022/03/08/world/korean-election

Kim Kyung-Mi and Chea Sarah (2021), « Boards appointing women as new law requires diversity » in Korea JoongAn Daily, 8 March, available at https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2021/03/08/business/industry/women-female-women-power/20210308194700337.html

Laura Bicker (2022), « Why misogyny is at the heart of South Korea’s presidential elections », BBC News, 8 March, available at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-60643446

Laura Bicker (2022), « South Korea: Conservative candidate Yoon Suk-Yeol elected president », BBC News, 10 March, available at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-60685141

Nam Hyun-woo (2022), « Yoon’s selection of Cabinet members faces mixed outlook », in The Korea Times, 4 April, available at https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/nation/2022/04/356_327127.html

OECD « Gender equality: Korea has come a long way, but there is more work to do », 25 October 2021, available at https://www.oecd.org/country/korea/thematic-focus/gender-equality-korea-has-come-a-long-way-but-there-is-more-work-to-do-8bb81613/#back-endnote4

Sophie Joeng (2019), « South Korea’s glass ceiling: the women struggling to get hired by companies that only want men » CNN, 2 February, available at https://edition.cnn.com/2019/01/31/asia/south-korea-hiring-discrimination-intl/index.html

The World Bank, « Labor force participation rate, female, Korea, Rep. » 2021, available at https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS?locations=KR

What does the election of the new Prime Minister in Japan mean for feminism?

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In early October, Fumio Kishida —the president of the Liberal Democratic Party (later LDP)— was elected by the Parliament (Diet). On December 31st of 2021, Japanese citizens were called to cast their vote for the General Elections of the House of Representatives and the Lower house of the Diet which had been dissolved earlier by the Emperor. 

The appointment of a new Prime Minister means new political directions. Japan is known as a conservative and traditional country where the Liberal Democratic Party has led the country for several decades (except from 2009 to 2012 when the Democratic Party of Japan managed to secure the majority in Parliament). It is very unlikely that the country will take a radical turn, but gender equality is probably at stake (and not necessarily in a good position).

The Kishida, almost only-man cabinet 

After the failed attempt of Shinzo Abe’s “Womenomics” to place women at the centre of political and economic decisions, Fumio Kishida begins his mandate by striking quite hard: in a twenty-member cabinet, only three women were appointed. Karen Makishima is the Digital Minister, Noriko Horiuchi, as the Vaccine Minister, and Seiko Noda as the Minister in charge of Measures for the Declining Birth Rate. For those who read my article on abortion politics, you will probably remember Seiko Noda, who is an anti-abortion advocate. She tried to limit access to abortion in 2013 but failed to do so. Knowing that she is now in charge of finding a solution for the shrinking declining birth rate of Japan sounds like a red flag to me.

Most importantly, the Prime Minister has positioned himself quite strictly on two crucial issues apropos gender equality: same-sex marriage and a revision regarding the name of married couples. My interviewee, Hana from Japan, actually mentioned these two topics in my project “you and feminism”.

Separate names for married couples (夫婦別姓 fufubeissei)?

Picture by © Marie Baranger, Meiji-Jingu, September 2012

Japan does not recognise married couples who have different family names as article 750 of the Civil Code requires. Usually, the husband’s name prevails, but the wife’s name can also be chosen. Yet, forcing the wife to take the husband’s family name—or in fewer cases, the husband to take the wife’s family name—equates to losing one’s identity. In Japan, the marriage scheme is often as follows: the wife takes her husband’s name (in 95% of the cases as of 2015) and comes to live with her parents-in-law. She ends up becoming the primary caretaker of her in-laws, leaving her own family on the side. Although society is evolving, and some companies let their female employees use their maiden name, the Civil Code has been unchanged since the Meiji Era, which dates back to 1898. However, despite article 14 of the Constitution which principles state equality between the sexes, women remain, second-hand citizens, when it comes to healthcare, employment, the wage gap and house chores. Being able to go by their own family names as well as being married would, in addition to being recognised equally to their male counterparts, give them better visibility as individuals. It would also let them embody their strength and credibility to society and the workplace and simply would empower them as women. 

The Diet, with a majority of the LDP members and mainly composed of men, has been summoned by the Supreme Court to debate on the issue after a lawsuit was filed claiming that the Civil Code and the Family Registration law goes against the Constitution’s principle of equality between the sexes. In addition to the top court’s rule to maintain the 2015 Supreme Court judgement forcing married couples to share the same family name, the newly elected Prime Minister Fumio Kishida publicly expressed his opposition to changing the system at the Japan National Press Club in October 2021, being the only members being against a future revision of the law. 

The Diet, with a majority of the LDP MPs and mainly composed of men, has been summoned by the Supreme Court to debate on the issue after a lawsuit was filed claiming that the Civil Code and the Family Registration law go against the Constitution’s principle of equality between the sexes. In addition to the top court’s rule to maintain the 2015 Supreme Court judgement forcing married couples to share the same family name, the newly elected Prime Minister Fumio Kishida publicly expressed his opposition to changing the system at the Japan National Press Club in October 2021, being the only members being against a future revision of the law.

Japan, the only G7 country to not recognise same-sex marriage

Japan is the only G7 country that does not recognise same-sex marriage. Fumio Kishida has stated his resistance to the legalisation of same-sex marriage. His party (LDP) is publicly opposing the law, yet the LDP with the Komeito, in favour of marriage equality, opens a window of opportunity. A light of hope remains for the future legalisation of same-sex marriage nationwide.

This window of opportunity was taken by Yuriko Koike, governor of Tokyo, who publicly announced that same-sex partnerships will be recognised and made legal by April 2022. If this is not the legalisation of same-sex marriage, this decision marks a major step toward marriage equality and was saluted by LGBTQIA+ activists as well as the international scene. It will allow same-sex couples to gain several rights that were for now reserved for heterosexual married couples, such as renting places together or visiting a sick partner at the hospital. 

Only-woman talks, putting women at the centre of decisionmaking?

On a more positive note, the government appointed the former Minister of Justice Masako Mori as a special advisor on women’s participation in politics and society and has promised to hold across the country non-mixed only women gathering to discuss women’s issues, such as employment, the care, as well as how the Covid-19 has impacted women (on a greater deal than men). Indeed, the healthcare and employment systems in Japan are designed under patriarchal rule, which disadvantages women. Although women in the labour force increased in the past couple of years, Japanese women rarely acquire “regular” positions—they mostly work as part-timers, or contract workers—without mentioning a significant wage gap between male and female workers. In addition, Japan’s welfare system is a “welfare through work and welfare through marriage model” meaning, it protects regular workers (men) who hold secure positions while assuming that “women will eventually marry and be supported by their husband”. (Miura in Kano, 2018: 6-7) 

Moreover, the Covid-19 crisis has forced women to step down from their jobs in order to take care of their children confined at home due to the closure of the school. This resulted in increased stress, putting women in danger (mental health, and economic security).

I could go on with the failing Japanese political system that puts women on the bench condemning them to economic poverty, or the burden to produce babies to avoid the labour shortage Japan is facing, but it is not the main topic of this article. 

The only-woman talks are supposed to begin in January 2022. I hope it will come with good results. Although the picture of feminism right now in Japan seems very dark, there is still a flame that burns to show the right way toward better equality.

References

Arielle Busetto (2021), « Meet the Kishida Cabinet: A Few Holdovers, More Women, and a Host of First-timers » in Japan Forward, Oct 21, available at https://japan-forward.com/meet-the-kishida-cabinet-a-few-holdovers-more-women-and-a-host-of-first-timers/

Ayako Kano (2018), « Womenomics and Acrobatics: Why Japanese Feminists Remain Skeptical about Feminist State Policy » in Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics, 2(1), 06.

Elaine Lies (2021), « LGBTQ groups cheer Tokyo’s same-sex partnership move as big step forward » in Reuters, Dec 8, available at https://www.reuters.com/article/japan-lgbt-marriage-idUKKBN2IN0ET

Emily Boon (2021), « Japan’s General Election: A Step Towards Marriage Equality? » in Tokyo Review, Oct 31, available at https://www.tokyoreview.net/2021/10/japans-general-election-a-step-towards-marriage-equality/

Justin McCurry (2021), « ‘I can’t go on’: women in Japan suffer isolation and despair amid Covid job losses » in The Guardian, March, available at https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/mar/29/i-cant-go-on-women-in-japan-suffer-isolation-and-despair-amid-covid-job-losses

Natsuki Okamura and Akira Minami (2021), « Kishida vague on spending plan; opposes law for LGBT individuals » in Asahi Shimbun, Oct 19, available at https://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/14463878

News Wire (2021), « Japan rules government’s same-sex marriage ban is ‘unconstitutional' » in France 24, March 17, available at https://www.france24.com/en/asia-pacific/20210317-japan-rules-government-s-same-sex-marriage-ban-is-unconstitutional

The Japan News by the Yomiuri Shimbun (2021), « Japan’s government to hold women-only talks, starting next month » in The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec 23, available at https://the-japan-news.com/news/article/0008120847

The Japan Times (2021), « Japan’s top court says forcing couples to share surname is constitutional » in The Japan Times, June 23, available at https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2021/06/23/national/crime-legal/top-court-surname-ruling/

Thisanka Siripala (2021), « Japan’s Same Surname Law for Married Couples Is in the Hands of the Diet » in The Diplomat, July 8, available at https://thediplomat.com/2021/07/japans-same-surname-law-for-married-couples-is-in-the-hands-of-the-diet/#:~:text=Society%20%7C%20East%20Asia-,Japan’s%20Same%20Surname%20Law%20for%20Married%20Couples,the%20Hands%20of%20the%20Diet&text=Sharing%20a%20surname%20after%20marriage,the%20Supreme%20Court%20last%20month.

Tomoyuki Kobayashi, Masaharu Maeda, Yui Takebayashi and Hideki Sato (2021), « Traditional Gender Differences Create Gaps in the Effect of COVID-19 on Psychological Distress of Japanese Workers » in International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(16).

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Abortion rights, the versatile Northeast Asian’s standpoint

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Pro-life or pro-choice? No, in Northeast Asia women’s bodies are at the centre of population control policies.

A few days ago, The Guardian published an article about China’s promotion of new family planning guidelines that wish to limit access to abortion. After decades of One Child’s Policy and encouraged sex-selected abortion to secure a son and perpetuate family lines, the PRC is going the opposite way. The main reason for the overturned situation is China’s shrinking fertility rate. When several states in the United States of American are limiting access to abortion, or even banning abortion for religious belief, China is, on the other side, using the population decline’s argument.

However, the PRC is not the first country in Asia to follow this argument line. In Japan and Taiwan, abortion access and restriction have always been at the centre of population control policies. Let’s head back to the history of abortion legalisation in Japan and Taiwan to better understand the dynamics as well as the actors involved in abortion politics.

The abortion debate was at its peak in the 1970s, with the historic Roe v. Wade decision made by the American Supreme Court recognising « the women’s right to abortion in the name of privacy ». The topic came back at the front pages of the media in the 2010s and 2020s when abortion bans were voted in certain states of the USA and in Poland, as well as when Ireland and Argentina legalised abortion.

But what about abortion in Northeast Asia? Well, to be honest Japan and Taiwan have been quite ahead of their times. Although their timeline is a little bit different, they both legalised abortion under similar circumstances; soft authoritarianism, baby boom (high fertility rate), and eugenism. And these legislations had been pushed by governments, ob-gyn and medical associations for better population control. In other words, feminist movements and anti-abortion movements were almost non-present at the time of the law implementation. They came after to ask for changes, which makes the abortion debate a three-sided issue. The case of South Korea differs quite drastically as it took a surprising path.

A brief history of abortion politics in Japan

Japan legalised abortion quite early compared to western countries. After WW2, Japan had to deal with various problems affecting its population. The country has been ravaged by the war therefore millions of families had no home, and many Japanese expatriates had to return from old colonies after surrender. Adding to the post-war baby boom, the Japanese government saw no other choice than introducing a new population policy. In 1948, the Diet (Japanese Parliament) approved the Eugenic Protection Law which authorised abortion for eugenic reasons, if the pregnancy is the result of a rape, or if the pregnancy affects the health of the mother. This law was promoted and produced by ob-gyn associations as well as the government.

Women’s rights movements and religious anti-abortion groups entered the picture in the 1960s and started to engage in a long battle against each other, as well as against the government. On one hand, the fertility rate was rapidly declining, therefore giving another valid reason (in addition to standing for the life of the foetus) the anti-abortion groups to pressure the government to review and change the Eugenic Law. On the other hand, women’s movements – such as Chūpiren (中絶禁止法に反対しピル解禁を要求する女性解放連合) or Sochiren -, influenced by the second wave of feminism happening in the West, were pushing for a more feminist understanding of the law. Disabled groups also joined the protest and rallied with the feminist against the eugenic component being an infringement to the right of disabled people to live. Eventually, the law changed in 1996 de facto in favour of feminist associations and disabled people’s groups as the name of the law became the Maternal Protection Law removing the eugenic component. Yet, the change didn’t meet much of the requirements proposed by the women’s movements to have a de jure legal access to abortion in any situation.

A brief history of abortion politics in Taiwan

Being an island, Taiwan started to face population increase in the 1960s, and the first guidelines for population policy were introduced by 1971 by the Kuomintang government. The final Eugenics Law was approved both by the Executive Yuan and Legislative Yuan in 1984 and allowed abortion in five cases: hereditary or contagious disease, if the foetus is handicapped if the pregnancy is the result of rape or incest if the pregnancy has a bad effect on the woman’s health, mental health or on the family. However, abortion was subject to a « husband consent clause » stating that a woman seeking abortion needs to have consent from her husband to get the procedure done.

In contrary to Japan, the women’s movement was already promoting access to abortion before its legalisation and adopted specific strategies – especially promoted the population control argument put forward by the government. Annette Lu Hsiu-lien had led feminist groups for the cause of abortion from the 1970s and Lee Yuan-jen carried on with the struggles – after Lu was imprisoned for her engagement with the democratisation movement – by creating the Awakening Publishing House (the only form of associative gathering allowed under the martial Law) which legacy remains still today.

Yet, in the 1990s, Taiwan witnessed the advent of sexual liberation, and therefore a rise in performed abortions, especially among teenage girls around September (after summer holidays). The fertility rate was also declining. In response, the anti-abortion religious group was established and started campaigning for the revision of the Eugenic Law for the Protection of Health. While the « pro-life » camp was drafting new bills, women’s movements, on the other hand, were trying to protect the status quo, despite several attempts to ask for the removal spousal consent clause. In 2006, the Eugenic Law for the Protection of Health was renamed the Genetic Health Law, which still pretty much reflects eugenic ideas, and retained the spousal consent clause as a condition if abortion is to protect mental health or the family life. The evolution of abortion politics in Taiwan followed the path that Japan took a decade before.

A woman’s right to dispose of her body was never the narrative behind the legalisation and the revision of these laws. Governments have played the role of mediators and could be seen as « Swing Governments » as their decisions regarding abortion are in line with the demographic situation.

Recent evolutions?

Since the removal of the eugenic component both in Japan and Taiwan, the law remained unchanged, despite active civil society on the feminist side as well as on the anti-abortion side. Yet, in the 2010s, the topic of changing the abortion law resurfaced in governments as the fertility rate was at its lowest. 0.90 children per woman in Taiwan with an abortion rate of 500,000 per year for a population of 23,7 million and 1.4 children per woman in Japan – although with 200,000 abortions per year for a larger population – put a threat at the renewal of the population as well as a high risk of labour shortage.

However, the issue went more or less far in the discussions. In Japan, a strict restriction of abortion was only mentioned in parliament by Liberal Democratic Party member Seiko Noda in 2013, but such discourse was immediately condemned by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, promoting on the other hand « Womenomics ». « Womenomics » were a series of policies aiming at promoting better work-life balance for women and therefore a way to encourage women to have children.

In Taiwan, notably due to a high abortion rate, the debate of restricting the termination of pregnancy to boost the fertility rate was proposed in a revised bill submitted by two members of the Legislative Yuan (Taiwan’s Parliament). They were requiring the addition of a six-day reflecting period as well as the passage before psychologists and doctors committed before getting an abortion. The bill was abandoned since most of the medical professionals were against forced counselling for women seeking an abortion, and on a more practical aspect, regarding the number of abortions, it would have been impossible to implement counselling, as there were not enough psychologists on the island.

South Korea, the feminist latecomer

South Korea has followed a whole different narrative compared to its Northeast Asian neighbours, although eugenics and pro-natalist policies were the principal storytelling to restrict abortion for a certain time. At the end of the Korean War in 1953, abortion was criminalised for most circumstances and performing an abortion was punished with a fine and imprisonment.

As part of new population guidelines aiming at reducing the total fertility rate, the 1986 revision of the law introduced five cases where abortion could be performed if the pregnancy would affect the health of the mother and the child, or if it was the result of a rape. And just like in Taiwan, these were accompanied by a spousal consent requirement. Yet, in 2005, seeing its population facing drastic decline, the master plan for the prevention of illegal abortion was implemented. Despite its criminalisation, it is estimated that between 50,000 and 500,000 illegal abortions are performed a year.

« If abortion is a crime, the criminal is the state »

The Sexual and Reproductive Forum

In 2012, the Constitutional Court rules that the abortion ban was in line with the constitution, which resulted in the reintroduction of the debate on the feminist movement’s agenda three years later. In 2017 the Joint Action for Reproductive Justice (모두를 위한 낙태죄 폐지 공동행동) was created by gathering several feminist groups (Femindangdang, the Center for Health and Social Change, Sexual and Reproductive Rights Forum), as well as disabled people’s groups – like their feminist counterparts in Japan in the 1970s and the 1980s. Through street protests, petitions, and constitutional appeals to decriminalise abortion, the Joint Action for Reproductive Justice made history. Abortion was decriminalised in two steps: (a) in April 2019, the Constitutional Court ruled that the abortion ban was unconstitutional and that women should be entitled to the fundamental right to choose to have a baby or not; and (b) it gave the National Assembly until December 2020 to modify the law. As of January 1st of 2021, the decriminalisation of abortion was fully implemented, with the decriminalisation of abortion up to the 15th week, and up to the 24th week if the pregnancy is the result of a rape.

This new access to abortion rights, when the total fertility rate of the country remains extremely low (0.84 children per woman), shows that South Korea, contrary to Japan and Taiwan, has decided to follow the path of feminism and put aside its pro-natalist narrative.

A long road remains

The road to safe, feminist-driven and accessible abortion in Northeast Asia remains long, as abortion is a costly act that social security refrains from reimbursing, and as population control narrative has not yet been completely forgotten, especially in Taiwan. That is to say, women and disabled groups in Japan, Taiwan and South Korea have done an amazing rallying job and are proof that society is changing and – although slowly – moving away from patriarchy.


This article summarises very briefly the research I have conducted for my Master’s dissertation in 2018-2019 at SOAS (School of Oriental and African Studies), University of London. (Baranger, Marie (2019), Abortion, a population control tool? The case of Japan and Taiwan, Dissertation at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS, University of London), Not published.)

Sources

Chen, Chao-Ju (2013), “Choosing the Right to Choose: Roe v. Wade and the Feminist Movement to Legalize Abortion in Martial-Law Taiwan”, Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3, Special Issue: Reproductive Technologies and Reproductive Justice, pp. 73-101, University of Nebraska Press.

Cheng, Ling-Fang. (2015), “An analysis of the controversy over proposed revisions to Taiwan’s abortion legislation in 2012” in 台灣衛誌 2015, Vol.34, No.1, pp. 21-36 (成令方, (2015), 2012年人 工流產修法爭議之分析, in 台灣衛誌 2015, Vol.34, No.1, pp. 21-36).

Gelb, Joyce (2003), Gender Policies in Japan and the United States: Comparing Women’s Movements, Rights and Politics, Palgrave macmillan, New York.

Kano, Ayako (2016), “Beyond Choice and Fate: Debate on Reproduction” in Japanese Feminist Debates: A Century of Contention on Sex, Love and Labor, University of Hawaii Press, pp. 64- 103.

Kato, Masae (2009), Women’s Rights? The Politics of Eugenic Abortion in Modern Japan, Amsterdam University Press, International Institute for Asian Studies.

Kim, Sunhye, Young, Na and Lee, Yurim (2019), « The Role of Reproductive Justice Movements in Challenging South Korea’s Abortion Ban » in Health and Human Rights Journal, Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 97-107.

Kuan, Hsiao-Wei (2008) Abortion Law and Abortion Discourse in Taiwan: Rights, Social Movements and Democratization, Dissertation at the University of Pennsylvania Law School.

Mackie, Vera (2003), Feminism in Modern Japan: Citizenship, Embodiment and Sexuality, Curtin University of Technology, Cambridge University Press.

Norgren, Tiana (2001), Abortion Before Birth Control: The Politics of Reproduction in Postwar Japan, Princeton University Press, Princeton and Oxford.

Ogino, Miho (2007), “Eugenics, Reproductive Technologies and the Feminist Dilemma in Japan” in Dark Medicine: Rationalizing Unethical Medical Research, William R. La Fleur, Gernot Böhme and Susumu Shimazono (eds), Indiana University Press, pp. 223-232.

Malik Laiba (15 January 2021) South Korea Decriminalises Abortion: A Historic Moment in Women’s Rights

Haas, Benjamin (11 November 2018) South Korea’s nascent feminist movement turns to abortion ban, The Guardian.

Pictures

Attached picture: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/nov/11/south-koreans-nascent-feminist-movement-turns-to-abortion-ban

Picture 1: https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/html/20210803/k10013177081000.html

Picture 2: https://medium.com/@nathliaborges_32/misako-enoki-a38e81d0c89a

Picture 3: https://www.jiji.com/jc/d4?p=syo207-photo2048&d=d4_oldnews

Picture 4: Ku Yien-lin (1989), « The feminist movement in Taiwan, 1972–87« , in Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 12-22.

Picture 5: https://www.globalhand.org/en/organisations/24214

Picture 6: https://www.facebook.com/SafeAbortionOnKorea/

Picture 7: https://www.facebook.com/SafeAbortionOnKorea/

Picture 8: https://www.hani.co.kr/arti/PRINT/964958.html

Awich, pussy power politics à la Japonaise*

Articles
Awich

Awich, feminist, rapper, advocate of the Black Lives Matter in Japan. As Japan still is a land of sexism and racism, Awich deserves our particular attention.

Japanese female artists challenging the status quo

Japan is not famous for being a feminist country. On the contrary, gender equality seems to be a concept not well accepted by the government. Yet, far from the idols’ entertainment world, the Japanese underground scene seems very engaged in promoting gender equality. Several women artists have become real influencers of feminism with catchy songs and engaged lyrics. To name a few, rapper Chanmina, group Wednesday Campanella, Yayoi Daimon, etc.

Awich, the pussy power queen

However, the one that is leading the way to pussy power politics throne is Awich. Awich is a Japanese rapper queen who breaks with her powerful lines all the patriarchal stereotypes on her way.

Feminist rapper in a male world

Widow and mother of a girl, Awich expresses pain, suffering, but mostly power, her internal female power. She succeeded to make herself a reference in the very masculine world that is the rap industry, and she knows it as she sings in « WHORU? »  » « Rappersの目には涙何人が失うのそのキャリア? » (rappers are wet with tears cause I came to end their careers). Her powerful songs call for civil society to rise, bloom and fight for gender inequality and racism. She also tackles female sexuality, a topic still very much taboo in Japanese society. The lack of sexual education and health curriculum in school, and especially anything related to female pleasure, is according to Shiori Ito – a leading voice of the « Flower Demo » a movement that denounces sex crimes and sexual violence – the principal reason for sexist behaviours and violence. Awich depicted well her right for sexual pleasure in the latest song « 口に出して – literally « put it in my mouth ». Women should be the mistress of their own pleasure and men should be educated regardless about consent and respect. Far from the macho and sexist images of Japanese pornography, Awich redefines sex in female terms and reappropriates women’s pleasure to women.

Black lives matter advocate

Not only is she advocating for women’s emancipation and women’s power, but she is also a pillar in « Japan with the black lives matter movement ». Japan, with its colonising past, has harmed many minorities abroad, as well on its territory. Moreover, it is not a country willing to welcome immigrants, as only two per cent of its population is foreign. Born in Okinawa, Awich has not considered herself fully Japanese as Okinawa used to be an independent Kingdom (the Ryukyu Islands), before being annexed by Japan in 1879. With endemic xenophobia, Japan seems even less welcoming when it comes to black people. However, Awich stood for the black community high and loud. Black lives matter is really personal to her as she married an Afro-American and gave birth to a « ハーフ » girl (half Japanese half Black-American). After the tragic death of her husband, she came back to live in Japan with her daughter and experienced racism. In September 2020, following the rise of black lives matter movement across the world, she released a video called « Unity » Japan for Black Lives Matter to honour her late lover and her daughter, as well as all the members of the black community.

Awich is definitely a feminist artist who deserves our entire attention. Rising voices through music, especially through rap, is an act of politics and can reach a wide audience. In Japan, the civil society remains quiet, but underground artists know how to make the people vibrate and ask for more and better political rights.

* Japanese style